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=== Transcript === | === Transcript === | ||
If one word could describe the mood of the [[wikipedia:Carter_Administration|Carter administration]], most | |||
American news media and a lot of American businessmen, on the opening | |||
of formal diplomatic relations with [[wikipedia:Beijing|Peking]] on New Year's day, I'd say | |||
the word is "euphoria". | |||
Officials of the administration have been patting themselves on the back | |||
in interviews; a lot of reporters and commentators have taken the | |||
Administration's words at face value; and many a businessman has gushed about | |||
the nearly one billion customers he expects to find on the mainland of | |||
China. | |||
[[wikipedia:Joint_Communiqué_on_the_Establishment_of_Diplomatic_Relations|Mr. Carter's sudden move]] may not provide all the benefits we've been | |||
hearing so much about. In fact, it may produce some unhappy results | |||
in the long run, including the ultimate loss of freedom for [[wikipedia:Taiwan|Taiwan]]'s | |||
17 million people. | |||
The question hasn't been whether we should be friendly toward the Chinese | |||
people on the mainland. No, the question brought into sharp focus by | |||
Mr. Carter's move is the freedom and security of the people of Taiwan. | |||
America has formally cast an ally adrift with only vague promises about | |||
future relations and sales of defense equipment -- mostly based upon the | |||
hope that Peking will keep its hands off. | |||
We can't undo the President's switching of formal relations -- that's | |||
within his constitutional power. But does our mutual defense treaty | |||
with Taiwan need to be scrapped? [[wikipedia:Hungdah_Chiu|Dr. Hungdah Chiu]], a professor of | |||
international law at the University of Maryland, says no. In an article | |||
in the Christian Science Monitor which appeared the day before Mr. Carter's | |||
surprise announcement, Dr. Chiu describes as a "misconception" the idea | |||
that recognition of Peking automatically should result in termination | |||
of our mutual defense treaty with the Republic of China on Taiwan. | |||
He says, "The Theory ... is that this treaty was concluded with the R.O.C. | |||
as the government of the state of China. Once the U.S. recognizes the | |||
(Peking) government as the government of China, it would necessarily | |||
derecognize the R.O.C. and deny that it has any international legal | |||
personality, including the capacity to maintain existing treaties." | |||
But, he adds, "This theory would make sense only if the U.S. government has | |||
in fact and in law treated the R.O.C. government as the only legal | |||
government in China since 1949. But this is not the case. Article VI | |||
of the ... defense treaty clearly provides that 'the terms 'territorial' | |||
and 'territories' shall mean in respect of the Republic of China, | |||
Taiwan and the [[wikipedia:Penghu|Pescadores]],' thus limiting U.S. recognition of the R.O.C. | |||
government to the area under the latter's effective control . | |||
Dr. Chiu says, "since 1958 I have not seen a single U.S. foreign policy | |||
document which asserts that the R.O.C. is the only legal government in China." | |||
That's an article I hope every member of the Senate reads. One of | |||
the dangers of sudden action in foreign affairs is that not all aspects | |||
of the situation can be thought out. Taiwan's security is in this category, | |||
but Dr. Chiu may have pointed a way for us to save the treaty which undergirds | |||
Taiwan's security -- and thus its prosperity and freedom -- despite the new | |||
relationship with Peking. Since we have never before broken a treaty without | |||
cause, this would sa.ve us some of our honor, too. | |||
This is Ronald Reagan. | |||
Thanks for listening. | |||
</TD> | </TD> | ||
<TD WIDTH="10%" ROWSPAN="2"> </TD> | <TD WIDTH="10%" ROWSPAN="2"> </TD> | ||
| Line 17: | Line 75: | ||
<TR><TD WIDTH="150">Batch Number</TD><TD WIDTH="150">{{PAGENAME}}</TD></TR> | <TR><TD WIDTH="150">Batch Number</TD><TD WIDTH="150">{{PAGENAME}}</TD></TR> | ||
<TD>Production Date</TD><TD>01/??/[[Radio1979|1979]]</TD></TR> | <TD>Production Date</TD><TD>01/??/[[Radio1979|1979]]</TD></TR> | ||
<TD>Book/Page</TD><TD> | <TD>Book/Page</TD><TD>[[rrpl:public/2024-07/40-656-7386263-014-013-2024.pdf#PAGE=3|Online PDF]]</TD></TR> | ||
<TD>Audio</TD><TD></TD></TR> | <TD>Audio</TD><TD></TD></TR> | ||
<TD>Youtube?</TD><TD>No</TD></TR> | <TD>Youtube?</TD><TD>No</TD></TR> | ||
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Taiwan[edit]
Transcript[edit]If one word could describe the mood of the Carter administration, most American news media and a lot of American businessmen, on the opening of formal diplomatic relations with Peking on New Year's day, I'd say the word is "euphoria". Officials of the administration have been patting themselves on the back in interviews; a lot of reporters and commentators have taken the Administration's words at face value; and many a businessman has gushed about the nearly one billion customers he expects to find on the mainland of China. Mr. Carter's sudden move may not provide all the benefits we've been hearing so much about. In fact, it may produce some unhappy results in the long run, including the ultimate loss of freedom for Taiwan's 17 million people. The question hasn't been whether we should be friendly toward the Chinese people on the mainland. No, the question brought into sharp focus by Mr. Carter's move is the freedom and security of the people of Taiwan. America has formally cast an ally adrift with only vague promises about future relations and sales of defense equipment -- mostly based upon the hope that Peking will keep its hands off. We can't undo the President's switching of formal relations -- that's within his constitutional power. But does our mutual defense treaty with Taiwan need to be scrapped? Dr. Hungdah Chiu, a professor of international law at the University of Maryland, says no. In an article in the Christian Science Monitor which appeared the day before Mr. Carter's surprise announcement, Dr. Chiu describes as a "misconception" the idea that recognition of Peking automatically should result in termination of our mutual defense treaty with the Republic of China on Taiwan. He says, "The Theory ... is that this treaty was concluded with the R.O.C. as the government of the state of China. Once the U.S. recognizes the (Peking) government as the government of China, it would necessarily derecognize the R.O.C. and deny that it has any international legal personality, including the capacity to maintain existing treaties." But, he adds, "This theory would make sense only if the U.S. government has in fact and in law treated the R.O.C. government as the only legal government in China since 1949. But this is not the case. Article VI of the ... defense treaty clearly provides that 'the terms 'territorial' and 'territories' shall mean in respect of the Republic of China, Taiwan and the Pescadores,' thus limiting U.S. recognition of the R.O.C. government to the area under the latter's effective control . Dr. Chiu says, "since 1958 I have not seen a single U.S. foreign policy document which asserts that the R.O.C. is the only legal government in China." That's an article I hope every member of the Senate reads. One of the dangers of sudden action in foreign affairs is that not all aspects of the situation can be thought out. Taiwan's security is in this category, but Dr. Chiu may have pointed a way for us to save the treaty which undergirds Taiwan's security -- and thus its prosperity and freedom -- despite the new relationship with Peking. Since we have never before broken a treaty without cause, this would sa.ve us some of our honor, too. This is Ronald Reagan. Thanks for listening. |
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