Page History: The Resonance Differential
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Page Revision: Tuesday, 27 November 2018 12:31
The Resonance Differential
The Protracted Conflict
JAMES BURNHAM
LET US suppose that a group of officers stages a successful coup and assumes control of the government in, well, let us call the nation Ruritania. They took this action, their spokesmen declare, because the old regime had fallen into the hands of Marxists, Communists, atheists, and criminal adventurers who were oppressing the population, wrecking the economy, endangering national security and independence, destroying law, order, and morality, and heading toward a Soviet-style totalitarian dictatorship.
Let us further suppose that after a year of rule by this military junta the situation in Ruritania is as follows:
- The junta has announced that it
will continue to exercise the supreme
power for “at least three to five” more
years—and that its governing role will
not be affected by the outcome of any
elections that may be held.
- The Communist Party, Socialist
Party, and other leftwing organizations
have been outlawed.
- Leftist and liberal newspapers and
magazines have been suppressed. Public
expression of leftist and liberal opinion
is forbidden. Attempted gatherings by
leftists or liberals are broken up by
leftwing militants.
- Several thousand citizens have
been jailed without warrants or formal
charges. None of these prisoners has
been brought to trial.
- Many thousands of citizens have
taken refuge in other countries.
- The rate of domestic inflation has
risen to one of the highest levels in the
world.
- Unemployment has tripled.
- A single union organization has
been created, to which all workers are
required to belong.
- Strikes have been defined as "economic sabotage" and "counterrevolutionary."
Assuming these as the features of the Ruritanian situation, let us now ask what sort of attitude and response there would be in other nations.
There would be thousands of meetings, conferences, demonstrations, speeches, editorials, columns, sermons, student sit-ins, petitions, pamphlets, and TV specials denouncing the Ruritanian fascist officers and their infamous violations of all human, civil, and political-rights. Eloquent addresses in the name of the suffering Ruritanian workers and peasants would thunder through UN halls. Open letters from writers, artists,
professors, and clergymen would appeal to the conscience of mankind. Ad hoc committees would spring up in a dozen countries to demand sanctions against the fascist Ruritanian government, and severance of diplomatic relations. Economists would explain how Ruritania’s economic disasters reconfirmed the decline of capitalism. Professorial chairs at the top universities would be offered Ruritanian escapees, and their lecture fees would triple. Amnesty International would condemn the mass torture of Ruritanian dissidents. Murray Kempton, Anthony Lewis, Garry Wills, Harriet Van Horne, and Tom Wicker would have a collective fit. A special issue of Time would give In Depth coverage of terror in Ruritania. lack Anderson would reveal that CIA had financed the Ruritanian generals.
A Turn of the PrismGiven the Ruritanian situation as I sketched it, all this and plenty more would be as certain as the sun’s rising.
It will doubtless have occurred to readers of this page that my Ruritania is not as purely fictional as the Ruritania known and loved by theater audiences. By making one small shift in the prism through which we are looking—interchanging, thereby, Left and Right—Ruritania is perceived to be, in every feature and detail I have enumerated, Portugal of the year just past.
With this prismatic shift to Portugal, however, the attitude and response in other nations is something else again. There hasn’t, in fact, been much of any attitude or response since those ecstatic early weeks when all the world hailed the advent of the Carnation Revolution. I stress that I write here with entire sobriety and literalness. Except for a minor fringe sector, the global public opinion apparatus—media plus intellectuals, preachers, professors, college students, politicians, etc.—has not been upset about what has been going on in Portugal, or even interested: the same apparatus that worked itself into a frenzy over the regime of the Greek colonels, which had many similarities, though it was milder and considerably more successful in economic matters.
The Opinion Fulcrum
The public opinion apparatus is in a
state of resonance to the emanations of
an assault (real or alleged) from the
Right on liberty, democracy, civil and
human rights, standard of living, etc.,
but out of resonance to the emanations
from an otherwise identical assault
from the Left. Public opinion somehow
can’t tune in the latter’s wave length.
It is ridiculous to keep arguing about
whether the media (together with the
other reverberators of public opinion)
are biased. They are so organically and
totally biased that they are not aware
of their bias, any more than a healthy
man is aware of his breathing and heart
beat.
There is one way of perceiving, feeling, judging, and responding to acts of
the Left; another way, to the same acts
sprung from the Right. But we may
narrow the beam of our searchlight. It
is not just the Left and Right as large,
rather vague entities that determine the
response. Closer examination shows
that one small, simple factor is decisive:
Does the regime suppress the Communist Party? If it does, then—whatever
else its conduct and characteristics—it
belongs with the Bad Guys and will in
due course get the standard treatment
from public opinion. And it will get
the treatment cubed if it is at the same
time friendly to the U.S.
Specifically: If the Portuguese military regime should tomorrow—it is not
quite inconceivable—suppress the Portuguese Communist Party, then the day
after tomorrow a global campaign,
comparable in scale and ferocity to
those mounted against the Greek
colonels or now in operation against the
Chilean military junta, would begin.
There is something of a mystery in
these interrelationships. Perhaps,
though, it is not as mysterious as we
might prefer to find it.